The Key Figures Shaping Mexican Politics Today

The LXVI Legislature of Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies has officially embarked on its mission, ushering in what promises to be a defining chapter in the country’s political and legislative history. With a new configuration that stands out for its numerical clout and political alignment, the legislative narrative is already poised for bold moves. At its helm, the ruling party Morena commands an impressive 257 deputies, supported by a cohort of allies—71 from the PAN, 60 from the PVEM, 47 from the PT, and 36 from the PRI. Also in the fray are 27 from MC, a solitary member from the PRD, and one independent voice.

Yet, beyond the numbers, it’s the machinery of parliamentary dynamics that intrigues. Morena, with its absolute majority, has set the stage to wield substantial legislative influence. However, the real allure lies in the coveted qualified majority—an instrument essential for passing constitutional reforms. With 364 seats, the official bloc holds a firm grip on this majority, offering it significant latitude for sweeping changes. Meanwhile, the opposition, with 136 members, remains watchful, bracing for the legislative storms that may soon follow.

In parliamentary politics, much is made of the qualified majority. It’s the crown jewel, the golden ticket to transforming constitutional architecture. But let’s not overlook the often underappreciated, yet equally potent, absolute majority. It is, after all, the backbone of daily legislative operations, the quiet but mighty force behind the passing of vital laws that do not encroach on constitutional territory.

Defined by Article 3, section XIII of the Regulations of the Chamber of Deputies, the absolute majority refers to the support of at least half plus one of those present. Given that the Chamber houses 500 legislators—300 elected by relative majority and 200 through proportional representation—this means a simple but powerful number: 256. With Morena’s 257 deputies, they meet this threshold even without coalition support, standing tall as the puppeteer of legislative deliberations.

What Can You Do with Half Plus One?

In the chessboard of governance, possessing an absolute majority is akin to having control over the board’s most crucial squares. It may not deliver the knockout punch of constitutional amendments, but it allows for a cascade of legislative victories that shape the country’s daily governance. Here's what Morena’s absolute majority can (and will) do:

1. Passing Regular Legislative Initiatives: Any initiative that doesn’t poke the constitutional bear is fair game. From education to healthcare to public infrastructure, the ruling bloc can ensure the smooth passage of laws that shape societal frameworks.
2. Approving the Annual Economic Package: This might be one of the most consequential powers of the absolute majority. Each year, the Chamber must approve the Economic Package, which includes the Income Law of the Federation, the Federal Expenditures Budget (PEF), and the General Economic Policy Criteria (CGPE). These documents are the blueprint of the country's fiscal health, deciding how revenue is generated and spent.
3. Leveraging Article 74’s Exclusive Powers: Article 74 of the Constitution gives deputies several exclusive powers, including controlling the purse strings of the federal budget and approving the president’s annual accounting. An absolute majority here ensures the legislature has its hand firmly on the financial tiller.
4. Exercising Article 73’s Powers: With 31 distinct functions under Article 73, from declaring war to establishing public security laws, the deputies enjoy a wide remit of responsibilities. And with an absolute majority, Morena can press forward on these fronts with minimal resistance.
5. Creating New Laws: The creation of new laws is where an absolute majority really flexes its muscles. Whether addressing pressing social issues or enacting wide-reaching reforms, a simple majority suffices to launch new legal frameworks into existence, reshaping the Mexican legal landscape without the need for constitutional tweaks.

Though an absolute majority is a powerful tool, its quirks lie in its limitations. It cannot, for instance, tinker with the Constitution—this remains the purview of the qualified majority, which requires two-thirds of the Chamber's support. As such, the opposition’s strategy may rest in obstructing constitutional reform, leveraging their 136-seat minority like a battering ram against any attempts to alter the nation's foundational document.

Nevertheless, in the day-to-day life of the legislature, the absolute majority is a mighty ally. It smooths the path for policy-making, turning proposals into law with the ease of a pen stroke. For Morena, it’s the ace up their sleeve—one they can play at will to secure their legislative agenda.

Two-Thirds to Change the Nation

In Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies, there exists a rarefied form of legislative power—the qualified majority. While the absolute majority may command the room, guiding routine laws through the labyrinth of bureaucracy, the qualified majority is the key to unlocking the deeper chambers of power. It is, quite literally, the magic number required for constitutional alchemy.

Codified in Article 3, Section XIV of the Regulations of the Chamber of Deputies, the qualified majority is achieved when at least two-thirds of the voting members come together in harmony. Out of the 500 legislators, this means 334 votes. A lofty number, indeed—but one that carries immense weight. With such a coalition, deputies can reshape the very DNA of Mexico’s legal framework, leaving their fingerprints on history itself.

While the absolute majority might pass the annual budget or legislate new laws, the qualified majority grants the Chamber something more profound—the power to touch the Magna Carta, Mexico's Political Constitution. Constitutional reforms require this supermajority to pass, ensuring that any change to the nation's highest law comes from broad consensus, not just the fleeting will of a narrow majority.

But constitutional tinkering is only the tip of the iceberg. With a qualified majority, the Chamber of Deputies can also:

1. Appoint INE Counselors: The National Electoral Institute (INE) is Mexico’s guardian of democratic fairness, and its counselors are the sentinels ensuring that elections are free, fair, and robust. Securing these appointments requires the delicate balance of two-thirds support, ensuring that INE’s leadership reflects a broad-based consensus rather than partisan loyalty.
2. Appoint the Head of the Superior Audit Office (ASF): As the watchdog of public resources, the ASF’s role is critical in ensuring that federal spending is transparent and accountable. With the weight of two-thirds behind the appointment, the legislature signals its commitment to integrity in public finances.
3. Elect the Chamber’s Board of Directors: The Board of Directors acts as the ship’s captain, steering the Chamber through legislative storms and procedural minutiae. Elevating these leaders demands a supermajority, ensuring that the political compass is set by the many, not the few.

The challenge of achieving a qualified majority lies in its numbers—a solitary party bloc seldom holds this kind of sway on its own. What then, when a political faction lacks the numbers to push through constitutional changes or critical appointments? This is where the art of dialogue, debate, and, yes, compromise comes into play.

The qualified majority may seem like an impossible mountain to climb without outright dominance, but history shows that collaboration can conquer even the steepest legislative peaks. Consider the constitutional reform of February 28, 2019, when the LXIV Legislature accomplished what many deemed impossible: they nearly unanimously approved the creation of the National Guard, altering ten articles of the Political Constitution in the process. How? By weaving together the disparate strands of political will across party lines.

With 463 votes in favor and just one against, the National Guard reform passed not merely as a victory for the majority bloc, but as a testament to the power of plural debate. It was an example of how, even in a fiercely competitive political landscape, consensus could be forged, and transformative change could be achieved.

The qualified majority carries a certain poetic weight. It’s not a simple 50% plus one. It demands more. More dialogue, more patience, more negotiating over coffee cups and conference tables late into the night. It’s the very essence of political compromise. And that’s the beauty of it.

When a political faction lacks the two-thirds majority needed for a constitutional reform, it cannot simply impose its will. It must engage in the messy, sometimes maddening process of coalition-building, trading political capital for votes, tweaking legislative language until enough deputies from across the aisle are satisfied. It's politics at its finest—and sometimes its most exasperating.

And therein lies the challenge: two-thirds is not just a mathematical target; it’s a metaphor for unity. It reflects the idea that to change the foundations of a country’s laws, there must be a meeting of minds, a convergence of voices from across the political spectrum.

The qualified majority ensures that significant legislative moves—whether reshaping the constitution or appointing officials to positions of profound influence—are never the product of a single party’s whims. It’s a safeguard against tyranny, a testament to the democratic idea that the fate of a nation should not rest in the hands of the few.

Inclusion Beyond Parity

The LXVI Legislature (2024-2027) has dawned as a milestone in Mexican politics, proudly positioning itself as the Legislature of Parity. For the first time in history, the Chamber of Deputies reflects not only the gender makeup of Mexico but also its vibrant diversity. Of its 500 members, 251 are women, a remarkable achievement that symbolizes the long road traveled towards gender equality in politics. With the country's population being 52.1% female, this composition mirrors contemporary Mexico, where around 65 million women shape its social, cultural, and economic landscape.

This transformation stands in sharp contrast to the political scene just seven decades ago, when Aurora Jiménez, in 1954, became the first—and only—woman to serve as a federal deputy. Her lone voice at that time echoed through the male-dominated halls of power, but now, in 2024, women stand shoulder to shoulder in near-perfect balance with their male colleagues. This is not just a historical moment; it is a revolution in representation.

With this newfound parity, the women of the LXVI Legislature are expected to lead a series of ambitious reforms aimed at advancing women’s rights, promoting substantive equality, and crafting policies that contribute to a life free of violence for women and girls. The presence of women in leadership roles within governing bodies, commissions, and administrative areas of San Lázaro ensures that these issues will not just be footnotes in policy discussions—they will be front and center.

The Legislature of Parity is not just about numbers; it’s about influence, voice, and action. These 251 women deputies have arrived at a time when the fight for gender equality is as urgent as ever, and they are uniquely positioned to address the long-standing structural inequalities that have disproportionately affected women in Mexico. Legislative reforms in education, labor rights, healthcare, and domestic violence protections are expected to see renewed energy and focus under their stewardship.

Yet, this legislature does not stop at gender parity. It proudly wears another badge: inclusion. Among its 500 deputies, there are representatives from groups that have historically been underrepresented in Mexican politics. Indigenous people, migrants, Afro-Mexicans, individuals with disabilities, and those from the LGBTQ+ community have a seat at the table, ensuring that the voices of vulnerable populations are not just heard but amplified in the corridors of power.

For too long, these groups have been marginalized, their concerns lost in the shuffle of mainstream politics. But now, their presence in the Chamber of Deputies signals a commitment to settling historical debts with communities that have been overlooked and neglected. This diversity brings with it an opportunity for reforms that truly represent the mosaic of Mexican society.

One of the major focal points of this legislature will be addressing the needs and rights of indigenous and Afro-Mexican communities—groups that, despite their rich cultural contributions, have been systematically marginalized. The legislative agenda will likely prioritize reforms aimed at economic empowerment, land rights, cultural preservation, and social protection for these communities.

This inclusion is not just symbolic; it is a step toward remedying centuries of exclusion and neglect. By empowering indigenous and Afro-Mexican deputies, the LXVI Legislature is acknowledging the need to create space for these communities to participate in decisions that affect their futures. New reforms aimed at education, healthcare, and access to justice are expected to follow, ensuring that their voices are integrated into the very fabric of national policy.

A Congress with Experience and Ritual

In contemporary Mexican history, the LXV Legislature (2021-2024) marked an unprecedented shift. For the first time this century, lawmakers exercised their right to consecutive re-election, a privilege that was reintroduced through the 2014 political electoral reform. The decision to allow deputies to run for consecutive terms was not just a tweak in the system; it was a transformative step toward creating a more seasoned, professional legislative branch, where experience could flourish and deepen the ties between representatives and their constituents.

World parliamentarism is rich with examples of lawmakers who built enduring careers through re-election, leaving indelible marks on their nation's history. Consider Winston Churchill, who graced the British Parliament for 64 years, a colossus of political wisdom and resolve. Or Edward Kennedy, whose nearly 50-year tenure in the U.S. Senate made him one of the most influential lawmakers in modern American history. Both men are legends, demonstrating how longevity in office can bring brilliance to public service.

Now, Mexico has joined this illustrious tradition. The deputies of the LXVI Legislature represent a new breed of Mexican lawmakers—those who have not just been elected, but re-elected, bringing with them the accrued wisdom, political savvy, and personal connections of multiple terms. This shift towards legislative continuity signals a more professional and stable Congress, where experience isn’t just a byproduct of service, but an asset wielded for the good of the nation.

Every three years, the halls of San Lázaro echo with the time-honored ritual of the Constitutive Session, marking the official opening of each new legislative period. On August 29, at precisely 11 a.m., this sacred political ritual was once again performed, initiating the LXVI Legislature into its official duties as of September 1.

The ceremony, a carefully choreographed process, begins with the formation of the Board of Deans, a body composed of the most senior elected deputies, symbolizing the continuity of wisdom and experience. This time, the board was chaired by the formidable Ifigenia Martha Martínez, a veteran lawmaker whose career spans decades and whose presence carries significant historical weight. Flanked by three vice presidents and three secretaries, she took her place at the presidium to preside over the proceedings.

With the declaration of quorum, Martínez intoned the ceremonial words, signaling the opening of the Constitutive Session: "The Constitutive Session of the LXVI Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies of the Congress of the United Mexican States is opened." It was a moment steeped in tradition, but also in gravitas—a recognition of the solemn duty ahead.

Martínez herself was the first to take the constitutional oath, a gesture that initiated the transformation of elected deputies into acting federal legislators. One by one, each deputy followed suit, officially stepping into their roles as the stewards of the nation’s legislative destiny.

But this was more than just a ceremonial formality. The Constitutive Session is a reminder that while elections bring new faces and political possibilities, the machinery of governance is built on tradition, process, and the rule of law. The deputies cease to be mere candidates; they become the guardians of the Constitution, the architects of Mexico’s future.

Once the oaths were sworn, the first official business of the LXVI Legislature took place—the election of the Board of Directors, in accordance with the Organic Law of the General Congress, Articles 17 and 18. This board, led by none other than Ifigenia Martha Martínez, plays a critical role in steering the legislature through its first year. Her election as president of the Board of Directors is not only a nod to her vast experience but also a symbolic passing of the torch from previous legislative generations to the current one.

This board will oversee the legislative proceedings, managing the sometimes-chaotic energy of a diverse and dynamic Congress while ensuring that the delicate balance between tradition and reform is maintained. With Martínez at the helm, the LXVI Legislature is in experienced hands, ensuring that its course remains steady as it faces the challenges of governance.

The Constitutive Session was but the prelude to the larger ceremonial opening of the First Period of Ordinary Sessions on September 1. On this day, the LXVI Legislature began its formal legislative exercise, receiving the 6th and final report from the head of the Executive Branch. This document, detailing the accomplishments and agenda of the outgoing administration, sets the stage for the new legislature’s work—a roadmap of policies to build upon or, in some cases, dismantle.

As the LXVI Legislature moves forward, it does so with a clear mandate: to blend the wisdom of experience with the forward momentum of reform. With deputies now able to build long-term careers in the Chamber, the potential for Mexico’s legislative branch to evolve into a body of institutional memory and expertise has never been greater.

The Legislative Engine Room

Elected with a resounding 496 votes in favor, zero against, and zero abstentions, Deputy Ifigenia Martha Martínez y Hernández of Morena has ascended to the role of President of the Board of Directors for the Chamber of Deputies' first year. A venerable figure in Mexican politics, Martínez now holds the symbolic gavel, tasked with guiding debates, ensuring orderly discussions, and upholding the decorum that governs the august Plenary.

Behind the scenes of every heated debate, every vote tallied, and every fiery speech delivered, there is the Board of Directors—a body that functions like the conductor of a finely tuned orchestra. Their job? To ensure that the business of legislation hums along smoothly and that the cacophony of democracy doesn’t descend into chaos. It’s a challenging job, not unlike herding cats—but these particular cats are professional lawmakers, each with their own agenda and passion.

Deputy Ifigenia Martínez, now at the helm, is no stranger to these political dynamics. Her presence in this role isn’t just a statement about Morena's dominance, but about the importance of seasoned leadership in managing the shifting sands of legislative politics. With her decades of experience, Martínez is poised to balance the complex interplay of party rivalries, policy agendas, and the ever-present specter of national interests.

Yet Martínez is not alone in this endeavor. She is supported by a star-studded cast of vice presidents and secretaries, drawn from across the political spectrum. Deputy Sergio Carlos Gutiérrez Luna (Morena) takes the position of first vice president, a loyal lieutenant ready to back Martínez as Morena continues to push its legislative priorities. In a gesture of political inclusivity, Deputy Kenia López Rabadán from the opposition PAN occupies the second vice presidency. Her presence ensures that even the loudest opposition voices are given their rightful place in the debate. Finally, Deputy María del Carmen Pinete Vargas (PVEM) rounds out the trio as third vice president, adding a green tint to the board’s palette and representing a political force that has consistently maneuvered its way into key coalitions.

But a Board of Directors isn’t complete without its secretaries—the deputies who ensure the engine of legislation runs smoothly, oiling the gears with procedural finesse and administrative expertise. This year’s cadre of secretaries reads like a who's-who of up-and-coming legislative talent. Morena's Julieta Villalpando Riquelme leads the charge, followed by Alan Sahir Marquez Becerra of PAN, Nayeli Arlen Fernandez Cruz from PVEM, Pedro Vázquez González of PT, Fuensanta Guadalupe Guerrero Esquivel of PRI, and Laura Ballesteros Mancilla from MC.

These individuals will have the unenviable job of keeping track of legislative proposals, amendments, and votes, all while ensuring the bureaucratic machinery hums along without a hitch. But don't let their seemingly behind-the-scenes roles fool you—these are the deputies with their fingers on the pulse of every legislative move.

Meanwhile, the Deans' Table, a body within the legislature tasked with guiding and advising through its collective experience, represents another layer of institutional knowledge. Chaired by none other than Ifigenia Martha Martínez herself, the Deans' Table adds an extra dose of gravitas to proceedings. With José Luis Sánchez González (PT) as first vice president, Leonel Godoy Rangel (Morena) as second vice president, and José Luis Durán Reveles (PVEM) as third vice president, the table is a diverse gathering of political acumen.

Supporting these heavyweights are the secretaries of the Deans' Table: Víctor Samuel Palma César (PRI), Germán Martínez Cázares (PAN), and Ivonne Aracely Ortega Pacheco (MC). Together, this group acts like the wise elders of the Chamber, their roles infused with both ritual and real-world importance, providing stability in a rapidly shifting political environment.

The composition of the Board of Directors and Deans' Table reflects a power, partisanship, and—dare we say it—pageantry. Morena, with its commanding presence in the Chamber, clearly dominates, but the inclusion of opposition figures in key roles signals a commitment to shared governance, at least in appearance. Kenia López Rabadán and Germán Martínez Cázares, both stalwarts of the PAN, bring a counterbalance to the mix, ensuring that the Board does not become a rubber stamp for Morena’s policies.

This distribution of roles showcases the pragmatic nature of Mexican politics. It’s not just about who holds power, but how that power is negotiated, distributed, and sometimes shared in order to maintain the intricate workings of a parliamentary democracy. Each member of the Board, from the vice presidents to the secretaries, will play a crucial role in shaping the legislative landscape over the coming year.

With Ifigenia Martínez at the helm and a diverse, multi-party cast supporting her, the LXVI Legislature’s first year promises to be a political theater worth watching. The debates will be fierce, the discussions charged, and the votes unpredictable. The Board of Directors will be central to this drama, managing not just the proceedings but the personalities that make up this chamber of 500.

In-text Citation: (Mondragon, 2024, pp. 7-11)